solid evidence, based on the testimonies of violent traffickers and professional liars motivated by revenge and by get-out-of-jail deals. Importantly, evidence later revealed that several of these criminals, even prior to and during their interactions with U.S. officials, had sought to entrap others and fabricate evidence they could subsequently offer to the DOJ in exchange for reduced sentences. Some of these efforts succeeded, others failed, and in certain cases, individuals voluntarily participated in criminal acts. Yet I remained entirely beyond their reach, leaving them with nothing whatsoever to substantiate their false accusations.
A striking example is the narco-video, recorded before the 2013 presidential elections, showing senior members of the Honduran radical leftist Libre Party negotiating bribes with traffickers, including one who later testified against me in court without offering a shred of proof. The DOJ and New York prosecutors have had this narco-video since 2013, yet never acted on it. In the same video, recorded just days before the 2013 general elections, these narcotraffickers referred to the radical left party, Libre, in their own words, “here we have no alternative” and “this is the only one.” They also urged other traffickers to provide financial support to the Libre Party to prevent the National Party’s success and my electoral victory, fully aware that if I prevailed, their cartels would be dismantled through extraditions and rigorous law enforcement, as indeed occurred during my tenure. In the same recording, they signaled that a Libre victory would roll back the extradition and the laws and policies I had implemented, as Speaker of Congress, to curtail their operations. If clear, recorded evidence was deemed insufficient to prosecute them, how can my conviction, built on nothing but the words of vengeful criminals, be justified? The cases involving high-ranking officials of the radical left, Libre Party, were not prosecuted, while mine advanced only because the Biden-Harris DOJ pursued a political agenda to empower its ideological allies in Honduras, the radical left Libre Party, aligned with the Venezuelan regime and consistent with the Biden-Harris administration’s regional agenda. It is a bitter irony that while I risked my life and my family’s to implement iron-clad policies against drug trafficking and organized crime, I am now unjustly condemned without evidence.
Since I was a congressman, Speaker of Congress, and throughout my presidential administration, there exists a substantial body of evidence demonstrating both my innocence and the links of certain current Honduran officials with narcotraffickers, evidence that was deliberately blocked by the prosecution and the judge during my rigged trial. My defense was further compromised by ineffective assistance of counsel, as my retained lawyer was ill, failed to subpoena crucial witnesses, and had broken communication with me, while the court-appointed counsel was given only three weeks to prepare for trial. Classified and unclassified documents held by multiple U.S. agencies, including the Department of State, Southern Command, DEA, CIA, Department of the Treasury, and Homeland Security, attest to the unprecedented cooperation I maintained with your administration in dismantling cartels, extraditing drug traffickers to the U.S., and combating organized crime. These records, together with the International Narcotics Control Strategy Reports transmitted to Congress by three U.S. presidents, confirm the historic results we achieved. During my administration, I championed key security initiatives such as the constitutional reform to allow extradition, the Asset Forfeiture Law, and the Special Law Against Money Laundering, measures so feared by traffickers that they exposed me to death threats and narco-terrorism on a scale comparable to Colombia during the 80s and 90s. Considering this proven record of cooperation and reform, and the fact that I undertook measures no one else had dared to implement, any indictment of this nature should have been grounded in undeniable and irrefutable evidence, as has been the standard in comparable cases. Yet despite this record of cooperation and reform, I was wrongfully sentenced to 45 years based on the uncorroborated lies of confessed criminals. By their own admission in my trial, these “witnesses” had nothing but their “word”, no videos, no recordings, no transactions, no documents, no
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